APP - Hot War With Russia?

anatta

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The title is a warning—akin to what the late Gore Vidal termed “a journalistic alert-system”—not a prediction. Hence the question mark. I cannot foresee the future. The book’s overarching theme is informed by past and current facts, not by any political agenda, ideological commitment, or magical prescience.

This article is adapted from the concluding section of Stephen F. Cohen’s War With Russia? From Putin and Ukraine to Trump and Russiagate, just published, in paperback and e-book, by Skyhorse Publishing.

To restate that theme:
The new US-Russian Cold War is more dangerous than was its 40-year predecessor that the world survived. The chances are even greater that this one could result, inadvertently or intentionally, in actual war between the two nuclear superpowers.
Herein lies another ominous indication. During the preceding Cold War, the possibility of nuclear catastrophe was in the forefront of American mainstream political and media discussion, and of policy-making. During the new one, it rarely seems to be even a concern.

In the latter months of 2018, the facts and the mounting crises they document grow worse, especially in the US political-media establishment, where, as I have argued, the new Cold War originated and has been repeatedly escalated. Consider a few examples, some of them not unlike political and media developments during the run-up to the US war in Iraq or, historians have told us, how the great powers “sleepwalked” into World War I:

§ Russiagate’s core allegations—US-Russian collusion, treason—all remain unproven.
Yet they have become a central part of the new Cold War.
If nothing else, they severely constrain President Donald Trump’s capacity to conduct crisis negotiations with Moscow
while they further vilify Russian President Vladimir Putin for having, it is widely asserted, personally ordered “an attack on America” during the 2016 presidential campaign.

Some Hollywood liberals had earlier omitted the question mark, declaring, “We are at war.” In October 2018, the would-be titular head of the Democratic Party, Hillary Clinton, added her voice to this reckless allegation, flatly stating that the United States was “attacked by a foreign power” and equating it with “the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.”

Clinton may have been prompted by another outburst of malpractice by The New York Times and The Washington Post.
On September 20 and 23, respectively, those exceptionally influential papers devoted thousands of words, illustrated with sinister prosecutorial graphics, to special retellings of the Russiagate narrative they had assiduously promoted for nearly two years, along with the narrative’s serial fallacies, selective and questionable history, and factual errors.


Again, for example, the now-infamous Paul Manafort, who was Trump’s campaign chairman for several months in 2016, was said to have been “pro-Kremlin” during his time as a lobbyist for Ukraine under then-President Viktor Yanukovych, when in fact he was pro–European Union.
Again, Trump’s disgraced national-security adviser, Gen. Michael Flynn, was accused of “troubling” contacts when he did nothing wrong or unprecedented in having conversations with a Kremlin representative on behalf of President-elect Trump.
Again, the two papers criminalized the idea, as the Times put it, that “the United States and Russia should look for areas of mutual interest,” once the premise of détente.
And again, the Times, while assuring readers that its “Special Report” is “what we now know with certainty,” buried a related acknowledgment deep in its some 10,000 words: “No public evidence has emerged showing that [Trump’s] campaign conspired with Russia.” (The white-collar criminal indictments and guilty pleas cited were so unrelated that they added up to Russiagate without Russia.)

Astonishingly, neither paper gave any credence to an emphatic statement by the Post’s own Bob Woodward—normally considered the most authoritative chronicler of Washington’s political secrets—that, after two years of research, he had found no evidence of collusion between Trump and Russia.

Nor were the Times, the Post, and other print media alone in these practices, which continued to slur dissenting opinions.
CNN’s leading purveyor of Russiagate allegations tweeted that an American third-party presidential candidate had been “repeating Russian talking points on its interference in the 2016 election and on US foreign policy.”
Another prominent CNN figure was, so to speak, more geopolitical, warning, “Only a fool takes Vladimir Putin at his word in Syria,” thereby ruling out US-Russian cooperation in that war-torn country. Much the same continued almost nightly on MSNBC.

For most mainstream-media outlets, Russiagate had become, it seemed, a kind of cult journalism that no counterevidence or analysis could dent and thus itself increasingly a major contributing factor to the new Cold War.
Still more, what began two years earlier as complaints about Russian “meddling” in the US presidential election became by October 2018, for The New Yorker and other publications, an accusation that the Kremlin had actually put Donald Trump in the White House. For this seditious charge, there was also no convincing evidence—nor any precedent in American history.

§ At a higher level, by fall 2018, current and former US officials were making nearly unprecedented threats against Moscow.
The ambassador to NATO, Kay Bailey Hutchison, threatened to “take out” any Russian missiles she thought violated a 1987 treaty, a step that would certainly risk nuclear war. The secretary of the interior, Ryan Zinke, threatened a naval “blockade” of Russia. In yet another Russophobic outburst, the ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki Haley, declared that “lying, cheating and rogue behavior” are a “norm of Russian culture.”
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These may have been outlandish statements by untutored political appointees, but they again inescapably raised the question:
Who was making Russia policy in Washington—President Trump, with his avowed policy of “cooperation,” or someone else?

But how to explain, other than as unbridled extremism, the comments by Michael McFaul, a former US ambassador to Moscow, himself a longtime professor of Russian politics and favored mainstream commentator?
According to McFaul, Russia had become a “rogue state,” its policies “criminal actions” and the “world’s greatest threat.” It had to be countered by “preemptive sanctions that would go into effect automatically”—“every day,” if deemed necessary.
Considering the possibility of “crushing” sanctions proposed recently by a bipartisan group of US senators, this would be nothing less than a declaration of permanent war against Russia: economic war, but war nonetheless.

§ Meanwhile, other new Cold War fronts were becoming more fraught with hot war, none more so than Syria.
On September 17, Syrian missiles accidentally shot down an allied Russian surveillance aircraft, killing all 15 crew members.
The cause was combat subterfuge by Israeli warplanes in the area. The reaction in Moscow was indicative—and potentially ominous.

At first, Putin, who had developed good relations with Israel’s political leadership, said the incident was an accident caused by the fog of war.
His own Defense Ministry, however, loudly protested that Israel was responsible. Putin quickly retreated to a more hard-line position, and in the end vowed to send to Syria Russia’s highly effective S-300 surface-to-air defense system, a prize long sought by both Syria and Iran.

Clearly, Putin was not the ever-“aggressive Kremlin autocrat” unrelentingly portrayed by US mainstream media.
A moderate in the Russian context, he again made a major decision by balancing conflicting groups and interests.
In this instance, he accommodated long-standing hard-liners in his own security establishment.

The result is yet another Cold War trip wire. With the S-300s installed in Syria, Putin could in effect impose a “no-fly zone” over large areas of the country, which has been ravaged by war due, in no small part, to the presence of several foreign powers.
(Russia and Iran are there legally; the United States and Israel are not.)
If so, this means a new “red line” that Washington and its ally Israel will have to decide whether or not to cross.
Considering the mania in Washington and in the mainstream media, it is hard to be confident that restraint will prevail.
In keeping with his Russia policy, President Trump may reasonably be inclined to join Moscow’s peace process, though it is unlikely the mostly Democrat-inspired Russiagate party would permit him to do so.

Now another Cold War front has also become more fraught, the US-Russian proxy war in Ukraine having acquired a new dimension.
In addition to the civil war in Donbass, Moscow and Kiev have been challenging each other’s ships in the Sea of Azov, near the newly built bridge connecting Russia with Crimea.

On November 25, this erupted into a small but potentially explosive military conflict at sea.
Trump is being pressured to help Kiev escalate the maritime war—yet another potential trip wire.

Here, too, the president should instead put his administration’s weight behind the long-stalled Minsk peace accords.
But that approach also seems to be ruled out by Russiagate, which by October 6 included yet another Times columnist, Frank Bruni, branding all such initiatives by Trump as “pimping for Putin.”

After five years of extremism, as demonstrated by these recent examples of risking war with Russia, there remained, for the first time in decades of Cold War history, no countervailing forces in Washington—no pro-détente wing of the Democratic or Republican Party, no influential anti–Cold War opposition anywhere, no real public debate.
There was only Trump, with all the loathing he inspired, and even he had not reminded the nation or his own party that the presidents who initiated major episodes of détente in the 20th century were also Republicans—Eisenhower, Nixon, Reagan. This too seemed to be an inadmissible “alternative fact.”

And so the eternal question, not only for Russians: What is to be done? There is a ray of light, though scarcely more.
In August 2018, Gallup asked Americans what kind of policy toward Russia they favored.
Even amid the torrent of vilifying Russiagate allegations and Russophobia, 58 percent wanted “to improve relations with Russia,” as opposed to 36 percent who preferred “strong diplomatic and economic steps against Russia.”
 
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This reminds us that the new Cold War, from 
NATO’s eastward expansion and the 2014 Ukrainian crisis to Russiagate, has been an elite project.
Why US elites, after the end of the Soviet Union in 1991, ultimately chose Cold War rather than partnership with Russia is a question beyond my purpose here.
As for the special role of US intelligence elites—what I have termed “Intelgate”—efforts are still underway to disclose it fully, and are still being thwarted.

A full explanation of the post-Soviet Cold War choice would include the US political-media establishment’s needs—ideological, foreign-policy, and budgetary, among others—for an “enemy.”
Or, with the Cold War having prevailed for more than half of US-Russian relations during the century since 1917, maybe it was habitual.
Substantial “meddling” in the 2016 US election by Ukraine and Israel, to illustrate the point, did not become a political scandal.
In any event, once this approach to post-Soviet Russia began, promoting it was not hard.
The legendary humorist Will Rogers quipped in the 1930s, “Russia is a country that no matter what you say about it, it’s true.” Back then, before the 40-year Cold War and nuclear weapons, the quip was funny, but no longer.

Whatever the full explanation, many of the consequences I have analyzed in War With Russia? continue to unfold, not a few unintended and unfavorable to America’s real national interests.
Russia’s turn away from the West, its “pivot to China,” is now widely acknowledged and embraced by leading Moscow policy thinkers.

Even European allies occasionally stand with Moscow against Washington.
The US-backed Kiev government still covers up who was really behind the 2014 Maidan “snipers’ massacre” that brought it to power.
Mindless US s
anctions have helped Putin to repatriate oligarchic assets abroad, at least $90 billion already in 2018.
The mainstream media persist in distorting Putin’s foreign policies into something “that even the Soviet Union never dared to try.”
And when an anonymous White House insider exposed in the Times the “amorality” of President Trump, the only actual policy he or she singled out was on Russia.

I have focused enough on the demonizing of Putin—the Post even managed to characterize popular support for his substantial contribution to improving life in Moscow as “a deal with the devil”—but it is important to note that this derangement is far from worldwide
. Even a Post correspondent conceded that “the Putin brand has captivated anti-establishment and anti-American politicians all over the world.”
A British journalist confirmed that, as a result, “many countries in the world now look for a reinsurance policy with Russia.”
And an American journalist living in Moscow reported that the
“ceaseless demonization of Putin personally has in fact sanctified him, turned him into the Patron Saint of Russia.”

Again, in light of all this, what can be done? Sentimentally, and with some historical precedents, we of democratic beliefs traditionally look to “the people,” to voters, to bring about change.
But foreign policy has long been the special prerogative of elites.
In order to change Cold War policy fundamentally, leaders are needed.
When the times beckon, they may emerge out of established, even deeply conservative, elites, as did unexpectedly the now-pro-détente Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev in the mid-1980s.
But given the looming danger of war with Russia, is there time? Is any leader visible on the American political landscape who will say to his or her elites and party, as Gorbachev did, “If not now, when? If not us, who?”

We also know that such leaders, though embedded in and insulated by their elites, hear and read other, nonconformist voices, other thinking.
The once-venerated American journalist Walter Lippmann observed, “Where all think alike, no one thinks very much.” This book is my modest attempt to inspire more thinking.
https://www.thenation.com/article/cold-war-russia/
Stephen F. CohenStephen F. Cohen is a professor emeritus of Russian studies and politics at New York University and Princeton University and a contributing editor of The Nation.
 
This reminds us that the new Cold War, from 
NATO’s eastward expansion and the 2014 Ukrainian crisis to Russiagate, has been an elite project.
Why US elites, after the end of the Soviet Union in 1991, ultimately chose Cold War rather than partnership with Russia is a question beyond my purpose here.
As for the special role of US intelligence elites—what I have termed “Intelgate”—efforts are still underway to disclose it fully, and are still being thwarted.
.

just that paragraph alone is enough for discussion Anatta. Doesn't it also beg the question of what the Cold war was all about for starters? For my contribution to the puzzle, I can only say that it never was about the need for either side to defend itself against the other. Nuclear war was and still is prohitivie.

And so the possibilities:

1. Feed the MIC?

2. Establish economic control over the entire glabe by miltary conquest, one small country at a time?

In either case I won't name the guilty side because it's conceivable to imagine that both sides were intent on achieving the same goal. Can there be any other explanation that aren't covered by those two broad reasons that encompass all?

“ceaseless demonization of Putin personally has in fact sanctified him, turned him into the Patron Saint of Russia.”

That's an excellent preface to your comments that follow. I would suggest that it's an entirely unusual situation in the US right now, and that can't survive as the status quo. Trump will end and the Democratic party's momentum against Russia/Putin will fade because of the lack of an enemy in Trump. The huge amount of damage done with the Putin hate will likely diminish.

However, after Trump, the Repubs will have no reason to be any different concerning Russia/Putin than the Dems.

The solution the US imagines is the elimination of Putin of course because of Putin being such a strong and determined leader of Russia. It's likely imagined that any other choice will be easier to deal with by the US. And I think that's nothing new to you because it's evident you understand the situation.

Overall, I see the 21st. century as being a continuing Cold war fight between all of the superpowers for the diminishing critical resources of the globe. And I see Russia as being a part of China as concerns the superpower to oppose the US. That makes Russia more just a part of the BRICS, as opposed to one of the main enemies. The China/Russia alignment will become the enemy and Putin won't matter much in the larger scheme of things.

It's happening now of course but China has taken an apparent position of peaceful participation in world trade. But it's inevitable that China will be force to participate in the way the US chooses, according to US strength, which is military. The new Cold war will be the Nato alignment in some form vs. the BRICS.

That's my best explanation. Your comments?
 
umm. it's a multi-polar world except it's not because of our hostility and NATO expansion towards Russia

So Russia just moves closer and closer to China - both a strategic military partnership, and economic as well


"VOSTOK-2018" the beginning of the exercise of the Army of Russia,China and Mongolia
 
umm. it's a multi-polar world except it's not because of our hostility and NATO expansion towards Russia

The US, which is the only reason why Nato exists now, is intent on hurting Russia economically enough that Russia falls apart.

So Russia just moves closer and closer to China - both a strategic military partnership, and economic as well

No doubt at all that the two are forming a military alliance but at the present time it's strictly defensive in nature.

All large and powerful countries will become aggressive as their ability to do so increases. And I would think you understand that quite well. But we can't discuss any situation of that kind that is developing without taking into consideration MAD. (mutually assured destructioin)

This limits the powers of all the superpowers to regional conquests at a measured pace. And right now that's conspicuously the US.
 
The US, which is the only reason why Nato exists now, is intent on hurting Russia economically enough that Russia falls apart.
I don't think we know WTF we are doing in terms of a big picture. I think almost all this crap is just mindless
"encircle the Russians" because we can-but with no real grand design

No doubt at all that the two are forming a military alliance but at the present time it's strictly defensive in nature.

All large and powerful countries will become aggressive as their ability to do so increases. And I would think you understand that quite well. But we can't discuss any situation of that kind that is developing without taking into consideration MAD. (mutually assured destructioin)

This limits the powers of all the superpowers to regional conquests at a measured pace. And right now that's conspicuously the US.
Don't forget Chinese hegemony in the South China Sea.

It's clear Russian's annexation of Crimea though was what they call a "forced move" in chess
Is that defensive or offensive? it just is -forced
 
We have a popular vote-losing president who takes his orders from the Kremlin. I would not be overly concerned about a "hot war".

Hyperbole just does not cut the mustard.

I have spent a lifetime hearing predictions of a war with Russia.

Bedtime for Bonzo totally hyped and exaggerated the threat from the USSR so he could have his cherished military buildup, a gift to his precious military-industrial complex.

The truth is, the Red Army could not even subdue some poorly armed Afghan tribesman. I don't think Soviet troops would have fared well against the well-trained British, French, and West German forces.

The Red Scare of the 1950s, in hindsight, looks like a really bad joke.

I heard predictions in 2014, that the Red Army was poised to invade Ukraine, and the Russian Army could be in Keiv within a week.

That did not pan out either.

The fact is, you have a lot of people who claim to be experts about Russia, about Russia's intentions, and who are quick to prognosticate the future.

I place little to no value in the opinions of most westerners concerning Russia, though the Kremlin is obviously a geopolitical competitor, and they have a history of trying to discredit western liberal democracy.

It is a nation that is really hard to understand, when you grow up in a western context, in a western cultural milieu, and have spent a lifetime immersed in the propaganda of the American military-industrial complex.
 
it's not just the Russian military anymore.
Our sanctions have driven China and Russia into an integrated military when needed.
 
I don't think we know WTF we are doing in terms of a big picture. I think almost all this crap is just mindless
"encircle the Russians" because we can-but with no real grand design

Don't forget Chinese hegemony in the South China Sea.

It's clear Russian's annexation of Crimea though was what they call a "forced move" in chess
Is that defensive or offensive? it just is -forced

You're much too intent on defending your country. It's too late for that now.
 
I have to admit we put ourselves behind the 8 ball by forcing this new strategic military alliance between Putin and Xi

The alignment of forces is a work in progress and it's not too late to put it all on hold. China never did want the problems but were always determined to protect their interests just as adamantly as other large and powerful nations.

All of the problems are still solvable but first the stake must be driven through Trump's evil heart. After that your country will be able to find it's way back.

Conicidentally on RT.com this morning: India and China put their differences aside because the US isn't reliable anymore.

https://www.rt.com/op-ed/447544-india-china-relations-rivals/

You may not like to read the message on RT.com but never shortchange yourself and be uninformed for that reason.
 
Furthermore, there are some suggestions that China and India may begin working closer together on the issue of Afghanistan as well. Given the Trump administration’s surprise announcement that it will withdraw thousands of troops from the war-torn country, this partnership between China and India may become a distinct possibility.
 
Furthermore, there are some suggestions that China and India may begin working closer together on the issue of Afghanistan as well. Given the Trump administration’s surprise announcement that it will withdraw thousands of troops from the war-torn country, this partnership between China and India may become a distinct possibility.

Yes, China and India want Afghanistan and will get it by invitation after the US leaves. But I would be very cautious about believing that the US is leaving any time in the forseeable future. A relocation of the forces is all that will happen. It's positive propaganda for the people to spin it as a reduction of the troops in other countries.

The most interesting issue now is Syria by far. I read new explanations every day on what's taking place, but in general I think we can conclude that Russia and Syria have triumphed and have brought peace to Syria.

A more thorough analysis is required and I'm working on it. Yours is always welcome. Keep an eye on RT.com.
 
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