House Republicans Advance Trump Agenda As Final Vote Looms Tonight

Diogenes

Diogenes

Nemo me impune lacessit
MacJHxpG



​
House Republicans took a major step toward enacting former President Donald Trump’s policy vision on Tuesday, advancing a budget resolution that could set the stage for a high-stakes showdown within the GOP. But with hardline conservatives digging in their heels, the bill’s fate remains uncertain.


In a narrow 217-211 vote along party lines, the House approved the procedural rule for the budget resolution, clearing the way for a final vote. The GOP’s spending blueprint aims to push Trump’s domestic agenda—border security funding, energy policy shifts, and tax cuts—through Congress.

But the measure is hanging by a thread, as a group of conservative deficit hawks is refusing to budge. Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) acknowledged the uncertainty, telling reporters, “There may be a vote tonight, may not be. Stay tuned.”

Rebel Republicans Threaten to Tank Budget

At least four GOP lawmakers—Reps. Thomas Massie (KY), Victoria Spartz (IN), Warren Davidson (OH), and Tim Burchett (TN)—have vowed to oppose the final resolution, enough to sink the measure unless Johnson can win over last-minute holdouts.

Massie, an outspoken budget hawk, didn’t mince words. “I was a lean no before this meeting, now I’m a no,” he told reporters Tuesday, slamming the budget’s spending numbers as reckless.

“If the Republican plan passes under the rosiest assumptions, which aren’t even true, we’re gonna add $328 billion to the deficit this year, we’re gonna add $295 billion to the deficit the year after that, and $242 billion to the deficit after that, under the rosiest assumptions” Massie warned, adding “Why would I vote for that?”

With the GOP’s razor-thin House majority, Republicans can only afford to lose one of their own votes if Democrats remain united in opposition. That slim margin is making Johnson’s job even tougher as he tries to broker a compromise.

For weeks, GOP leadership has been wrangling members from both ends of the ideological spectrum. Conservative hardliners have been pushing for deeper spending cuts, while moderates are concerned about slashes to programs like Medicaid.



House Republicans Advance Trump Agenda As Final Vote Looms Tonight | ZeroHedge

ZeroHedge - On a long enough timeline, the survival rate for everyone drops to zero
www.zerohedge.com www.zerohedge.com
 
When was the last time a President didn’t get his budget, especially with a majority in both Houses

Typical Trump/Musk, supposedly cutting one trillion with a four trillion tax cut, ah, last I knew, four minus one equals a three trillion add on to the debt, maybe Trump can break his all time one term record for blowing up the debt
 
archives said:
When was the last time a President didn’t get his budget, especially with a majority in both Houses
Click to expand...


To answer when the last time a president didn’t get his budget with a majority in both houses of Congress, Anchovies, we need to look at instances where the same party controlled the presidency, the House, and the Senate—known as a unified government—and yet the president’s proposed budget wasn’t fully enacted as submitted.

Presidents submit budget requests annually, but Congress holds the power of the purse, often modifying or rejecting those proposals even under unified control.

“Didn’t get his budget” here means the president’s specific budget proposal wasn’t passed intact, though some compromise or alternative funding typically emerges to avoid a shutdown.

Let’s examine recent unified government periods and their outcomes.

Since 1997, unified government has occurred a few times: 2001-2007 (Republicans under George W. Bush, with brief Senate interruptions), 2009-2011 (Democrats under Barack Obama), and 2017-2019 (Republicans under Donald Trump).

Historically, even with party control, Congress doesn’t rubber-stamp a president’s budget—congressional priorities, internal party disputes, or procedural hurdles often reshape it. The question implies a rare case where the president’s budget faced significant rejection or failure despite this advantage.
  • Donald Trump (2017-2019): Republicans held the House (241-194 initially) and Senate (51-49) when Trump took office. In 2017, for fiscal year 2018 (proposed February 2017, enacted by October 1, 2017), Trump’s budget requested $4.1 trillion, with cuts to domestic programs and a $52 billion defense boost. Congress passed a $4.1 trillion omnibus in March 2018 (after two brief shutdowns), but it ignored many of Trump’s cuts—funding Medicaid and other programs he targeted—while still increasing defense spending. For fiscal year 2019 (proposed February 2018), Trump sought $4.4 trillion, including $18 billion for a border wall. Congress passed appropriations in September 2018 without wall funding, leading to the December 2018-January 2019 shutdown when Trump refused to sign. Even with majorities, GOP lawmakers balked at Trump’s deeper cuts and wall focus, forcing compromises. He didn’t get his full budget either year.
  • Barack Obama (2009-2011): Democrats controlled the House (257-178) and Senate (59-41, briefly 60 with independents) when Obama took office. For fiscal year 2010 (proposed February 2009, enacted by October 1, 2009), Obama requested $3.55 trillion, emphasizing healthcare and education. Congress passed appropriations bills totaling $3.5 trillion, aligning broadly but trimming some initiatives. For fiscal year 2011 (proposed February 2010), Obama sought $3.83 trillion. With midterms looming, Democrats avoided a full budget resolution—facing internal dissent over deficits—and relied on continuing resolutions into 2011, when Republicans took the House. Obama got much of his agenda (e.g., stimulus echoes), but not his exact budget, as Congress stalled on specifics.
  • George W. Bush (2001-2007): Republicans held the House and Senate (50-50 Senate with Cheney’s tiebreaker until 2001, then 51-49 by 2003). For fiscal year 2002 (proposed February 2001), Bush requested $1.96 trillion, including tax cuts. Congress passed $1.89 trillion, enacting his tax plan but adjusting spending. Later years, like fiscal 2004 (proposed 2003), saw his $2.23 trillion request altered to $2.27 trillion, with Congress adding earmarks Bush opposed. He got core priorities (tax cuts, defense), but not his precise budgets.
In all cases, presidents got pieces of their agendas—tax cuts for Bush, healthcare for Obama, defense for Trump—but Congress, even unified, reworked the numbers.

The last stark example of a president not getting his budget despite majorities is Trump in 2018 for fiscal year 2019. His $4.4 trillion proposal, with its $18 billion wall, was dead on arrival; Congress passed a $1.4 trillion package in September 2018 (covering some agencies), and the wall dispute triggered the 35-day shutdown.

Republicans in Congress defied Trump’s demands, and after Democrats took the House in January 2019, he settled for $1.4 billion in border security, not the wall. This stands out as a recent, dramatic rejection of a president’s budget vision under unified control.

Answer: The last time a president didn’t get his budget with a majority in both houses was in 2018 under Donald Trump, for the fiscal year 2019 budget, when Congress refused to fund his $18 billion border wall proposal, leading to a partial government shutdown from December 22, 2018, to January 25, 2019.


@Grok
 
Ask Musk which President didn’t sign the budget presented to them, especially when the President’s party owned congress? Point being, passing Budgets, especially this one given Trump owns the GOP, isn’t a big deal
 
archives said:
Ask Musk which President didn’t sign the budget presented to them, especially when the President’s party owned congress? Point being, passing Budgets, especially this one given Trump owns the GOP, isn’t a big deal
Click to expand...

Yes, Anchovies, there have been instances where a U.S. President has refused to sign a budget bill—or more precisely, an appropriations bill necessary to fund the government—even when their own party controlled Congress. One notable example is President Donald Trump in December 2018, during his first term. At that time, Republicans held majorities in both the House of Representatives (until January 3, 2019, when the new Congress was seated) and the Senate.

On December 19, 2018, Congress passed a short-term funding bill to keep the government operational past the December 21 deadline. This bill was a stopgap measure to avoid a government shutdown and did not include the $5.7 billion Trump had demanded for a border wall along the U.S.-Mexico border—a key campaign promise. Initially, it seemed Trump might sign it, as it had bipartisan support and was backed by Republican leadership. However, after facing intense pressure from conservative commentators and some GOP lawmakers who criticized the lack of wall funding, Trump reversed course and refused to sign the bill.

His refusal led to a partial government shutdown beginning December 22, 2018, which lasted 35 days—the longest in U.S. history—until January 25, 2019, when he signed a temporary funding bill without the wall money, after negotiations failed to resolve the impasse. This occurred despite Republican control of both chambers, highlighting intraparty divisions and Trump’s willingness to defy his own party’s leadership, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and House Speaker Paul Ryan.

Historically, such instances are rare because party control typically aligns incentives between the president and Congress, smoothing the budget process. Another earlier example is President Richard Nixon, a Republican, who clashed with a Republican-controlled Congress in the early 1970s over spending priorities. Nixon didn’t always veto budget bills outright but used impoundment—refusing to spend appropriated funds—as a way to resist Congress. This led to the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which curbed such presidential power after Nixon left office. However, Trump’s 2018 case stands out as a clear refusal to sign during unified party control.

These examples show that while uncommon, presidents have occasionally flexed their veto power or leverage against their own party’s Congress, often driven by policy disagreements or political strategy.


@Grok
 
archives said:
When was the last time a President didn’t get his budget, especially with a majority in both Houses

Typical Trump/Musk, supposedly cutting one trillion with a four trillion tax cut, ah, last I knew, four minus one equals a three trillion add on to the debt, maybe Trump can break his all time one term record for blowing up the debt
Click to expand...
.
 
Diogenes said:
Yes, Anchovies, there have been instances where a U.S. President has refused to sign a budget bill—or more precisely, an appropriations bill necessary to fund the government—even when their own party controlled Congress. One notable example is President Donald Trump in December 2018, during his first term. At that time, Republicans held majorities in both the House of Representatives (until January 3, 2019, when the new Congress was seated) and the Senate.

On December 19, 2018, Congress passed a short-term funding bill to keep the government operational past the December 21 deadline. This bill was a stopgap measure to avoid a government shutdown and did not include the $5.7 billion Trump had demanded for a border wall along the U.S.-Mexico border—a key campaign promise. Initially, it seemed Trump might sign it, as it had bipartisan support and was backed by Republican leadership. However, after facing intense pressure from conservative commentators and some GOP lawmakers who criticized the lack of wall funding, Trump reversed course and refused to sign the bill.

His refusal led to a partial government shutdown beginning December 22, 2018, which lasted 35 days—the longest in U.S. history—until January 25, 2019, when he signed a temporary funding bill without the wall money, after negotiations failed to resolve the impasse. This occurred despite Republican control of both chambers, highlighting intraparty divisions and Trump’s willingness to defy his own party’s leadership, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and House Speaker Paul Ryan.

Historically, such instances are rare because party control typically aligns incentives between the president and Congress, smoothing the budget process. Another earlier example is President Richard Nixon, a Republican, who clashed with a Republican-controlled Congress in the early 1970s over spending priorities. Nixon didn’t always veto budget bills outright but used impoundment—refusing to spend appropriated funds—as a way to resist Congress. This led to the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which curbed such presidential power after Nixon left office. However, Trump’s 2018 case stands out as a clear refusal to sign during unified party control.

These examples show that while uncommon, presidents have occasionally flexed their veto power or leverage against their own party’s Congress, often driven by policy disagreements or political strategy.


@Grok
Click to expand...
Yeah, Trump has made some stupid decisions in the past. Since he does not learn well, he will make more.
 
You must log in or register to reply here.
Back
Top