Jake Starkey
Verified User
The Court has found the funds must be continued
This critique raises several nuanced challenges to the judge’s ruling, but each can be rebutted with constitutional, procedural, and evidentiary counterpoints. Let’s walk through the major claims and offer a structured rebuttal:
Claim: The President has implied powers under Article II to safeguard federal elections.
Response: The Elections Clause (Article I, Section 4) explicitly assigns election regulation to state legislatures and Congress, not the executive branch. While Article II empowers the President to enforce laws, it does not grant authority to create or reinterpret election procedures. Historical executive orders (e.g., Eisenhower’s desegregation enforcement) were grounded in existing congressional mandates—not unilateral reinterpretations of constitutional boundaries. The judge’s ruling reflects this separation of powers, ensuring the President cannot bypass Congress or override state law under the guise of national security.
Claim: The ruling ignores recent state laws on voter ID and citizenship verification.
Response: The judge’s decision does not block states from enforcing their own voter ID laws—it addresses a federal executive order that imposes new requirements nationwide, potentially overriding state discretion. The Tenth Amendment protects states from federal overreach, and ironically, the executive order may violate it by preempting state autonomy. The ruling preserves the constitutional balance by preventing the executive branch from dictating terms that states have not legislated.
Claim: The ruling relies on incomplete data and underestimates fraud risks.
Response: Courts rely on credible, documented evidence, not speculative or anecdotal claims. The NPR report cited (85 cases over two decades) aligns with findings from multiple bipartisan commissions and academic studies. While fraud is a legitimate concern, policy must be based on demonstrable harm, not hypothetical threats. The judge’s role is to assess whether the executive order is legally justified—not to validate every possible risk scenario.
Claim: The injunction was premature and rushed.
Response: Emergency injunctions are common in election-related cases, especially when rights or access are imminently affected. The court followed standard procedures: held hearings, reviewed briefs, and issued a ruling based on partial summary judgment—appropriate when facts are undisputed and legal questions are ripe. The urgency reflects the time-sensitive nature of election administration, not judicial overreach.
Claim: The judge’s background and alignment with civil rights plaintiffs suggest activism.
Response: Judicial reasoning must be evaluated on legal merit, not political affiliation. The ruling cites constitutional provisions, statutory interpretation, and precedent—not partisan ideology. Accusations of bias based on appointment history are speculative and undermine judicial independence. Moreover, the Supreme Court’s interest in state autonomy (e.g., Moore v. Harper) may actually support the judge’s restraint against federal executive overreach.
While the critique raises valid strategic and political concerns, the ruling stands on firm constitutional ground. It respects the separation of powers, affirms state sovereignty, and demands evidence-based policymaking. If challenged, appellate courts will likely focus on legal authority and procedural integrity, not ideological narratives.
And yesterday afternoon:
Diogenes said:
Here's where we are right now.
SNAP funding will not possibly be restored until Congress reconvenes on November 4, unless their captive Obamunist judge orders SNAP funding be restored immediately.
The midterms are imminent and they are hoping that by blaming Republicans for the losses, they can take control of Congress next January and either hamstring President Trump or impeach him.
SNAP's November issuance is officially paused starting the 1st, per USDA. The $6 billion contingency reserve is off-limits for regular benefits, and that's the flashpoint for the lawsuit from 25+ Democrat-led states and D.C., filed Tuesday in Massachusetts federal court.
The venue for the suit was carefully chosen. This is classic venue-shopping, and this one's got all the hallmarks.
Filing in Boston's U.S. District Court (District of Massachusetts) wasn't random; it's a masterclass in picking a friendly forum where the plaintiffs, led by AG Andrea Joy Campbell, hold home-field advantage.
With blue Massachusetts ground zero for the suit (hosting the rally, the pressers, and a governor who's been vocal about the "inhumane" fallout), it's no surprise they anchored it there under 28 U.S.C. § 1391(e) for suits against federal agencies.
The hook? Venue's proper in any district where a plaintiff resides, and with the Mass. AG as lead, that box is checked, while dodging circuits like the D.C. or Fifth, which might lean more skeptical of aggressive APA (https://guides.library.cornell.edu/citing_us_gov_docs/lawsStatutes) challenges.
The assignment to Judge Indira Talwani? That's the cherry on top. An Obama appointee (confirmed in 2014), she's got a track record on administrative law that's Democrat-plaintiff-friendly.
In the District of Massachusetts, cases are randomly assigned, but the pool is heavily comprised of Democrat appointees. The odds of drawing a judge sympathetic to mandatory spending arguments? Much higher than in, say, the Northern District of Texas.
Democrats are pushing hard for an emergency injunction by week's end, arguing the funds must flow under the Food and Nutrition Act—echoing precedents you likely navigated in past cycles. A favorable ruling from Judge Talwani could override the Congressional reconvene deadline and keep those EBT cards loaded, thereby avoiding any stigma they'd otherwise face for "starving the hungry".
- Holding agencies to strict APA compliance
- Rejecting arbitrary delays in benefit programs
- Granting preliminary injunctions in emergency entitlement cases
The blue team is gunning for an emergency TRO by Friday (November 1), citing the Food and Nutrition Act's plain text on contingency funds for "program operations" during lapses, citing precedents like the 2019 shutdown where courts forced WIC continuity.
The complaint cites 2018–2019 shutdown cases where courts (including in D. Mass.) ordered USDA to tap contingency funds for SNAP and WIC. Talwani herself has ruled against federal agencies for procedural overreach, giving plaintiffs a credible path to a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) by November 1.
Boston is a Democrat-dominated media hub. A ruling forcing USDA to release the $6 billion contingency reserve would dominate national headlines, framing the administration as defying law, while a loss would be buried by the Democrat's willing media shills.
The government will likely move to transfer to D.C. (arguing it’s the “real” seat of agency action), but courts rarely grant such motions when plaintiffs have a statutory hook and irreparable harm is imminent (42 million people losing food benefits qualifies).
This critique raises several nuanced challenges to the judge’s ruling, but each can be rebutted with constitutional, procedural, and evidentiary counterpoints. Let’s walk through the major claims and offer a structured rebuttal:
Rebuttal to Presidential Authority Under the Elections Clause
Claim: The President has implied powers under Article II to safeguard federal elections.Response: The Elections Clause (Article I, Section 4) explicitly assigns election regulation to state legislatures and Congress, not the executive branch. While Article II empowers the President to enforce laws, it does not grant authority to create or reinterpret election procedures. Historical executive orders (e.g., Eisenhower’s desegregation enforcement) were grounded in existing congressional mandates—not unilateral reinterpretations of constitutional boundaries. The judge’s ruling reflects this separation of powers, ensuring the President cannot bypass Congress or override state law under the guise of national security.
Rebuttal to State-Level Trends and the Tenth Amendment
Claim: The ruling ignores recent state laws on voter ID and citizenship verification.Response: The judge’s decision does not block states from enforcing their own voter ID laws—it addresses a federal executive order that imposes new requirements nationwide, potentially overriding state discretion. The Tenth Amendment protects states from federal overreach, and ironically, the executive order may violate it by preempting state autonomy. The ruling preserves the constitutional balance by preventing the executive branch from dictating terms that states have not legislated.
Rebuttal to the Evidentiary Basis and Fraud Concerns
Claim: The ruling relies on incomplete data and underestimates fraud risks.Response: Courts rely on credible, documented evidence, not speculative or anecdotal claims. The NPR report cited (85 cases over two decades) aligns with findings from multiple bipartisan commissions and academic studies. While fraud is a legitimate concern, policy must be based on demonstrable harm, not hypothetical threats. The judge’s role is to assess whether the executive order is legally justified—not to validate every possible risk scenario.
Rebuttal to Procedural Concerns and Timing
Claim: The injunction was premature and rushed.Response: Emergency injunctions are common in election-related cases, especially when rights or access are imminently affected. The court followed standard procedures: held hearings, reviewed briefs, and issued a ruling based on partial summary judgment—appropriate when facts are undisputed and legal questions are ripe. The urgency reflects the time-sensitive nature of election administration, not judicial overreach.
Rebuttal to Alleged Ideological Bias
Claim: The judge’s background and alignment with civil rights plaintiffs suggest activism.Response: Judicial reasoning must be evaluated on legal merit, not political affiliation. The ruling cites constitutional provisions, statutory interpretation, and precedent—not partisan ideology. Accusations of bias based on appointment history are speculative and undermine judicial independence. Moreover, the Supreme Court’s interest in state autonomy (e.g., Moore v. Harper) may actually support the judge’s restraint against federal executive overreach.