We defy the tyrant Trump

[Mahmoud Ahmadinejad]

Other than the continuing annihilation of Iran's punkass ty military....

Bluster.

America has no reserves of manpower. Few of your young men possess the inclination or the physical ability to fight, and your hardware is running out.

 

[Dutch Uncle]

I would say lots more bombing is called for. Systematic destruction of Iran's infrastructure looks like a good starting point.

You're a disgrace to your service by advocating war crimes, Terry.

So you claim. I doubt you, Iran, or the MSM have any sort of handle on what US stockpiles are.

That aside, at this point using 'dumb' bombs or cheap JDAMS would be sufficient for the purposes given Iran no longer has any sort of capable air defense system left.

It'd be a one-way battle with Iran losing where the US et al., are bombing infrastructure into rubble with hundreds to thousands of bombs a day versus the launch by Iran of ballistic missiles or drones you can count on the fingers of one hand in retaliation.

Legina hooks another MAGA moron! LOL

 

[Mahmoud Ahmadinejad]

Trump has wasted billions on his war already, yet we endure.

The behavior of the insane tyrant Trump has severely damaged the position of the United States.

No country in the world can trust America as a friend.

When the U.S. is mentioned, people are reminded of war, bullying, and bloodshed.

Most Americans do not support Trump's unjust war of aggression.

In other words, the American people are paying for something they don't believe in.

 

[Mahmoud Ahmadinejad]

Iran rejects talks amid naval blockade​

 

[Mahmoud Ahmadinejad]

Commander vows crushing response to any border aggression​

Any possible aggression against Iran’s borders will be met with a regrettable response, the commander of the Army Ground Force said on Wednesday, warning enemies not to miscalculate the morale and capability of the country’s armed forces.

Brigadier General Ali Jahanshahi made the remarks during a visit to assess the combat readiness of his units stationed along the country’s borders, where he described the fighting spirit of army personnel as exceptionally high in the face of any enemy incursion.

The commander reassured the Iranian nation that the country’s borders remain secure and calm due to the deployment of armed forces. He added that enemy movements are being monitored and tracked on a moment-by-moment basis, and that any threat against the Iranian people would be dealt with decisively.

 

[Mahmoud Ahmadinejad]

President thanks brave nurse who saved newborns during US-Israeli aggression​

President Masoud Pezeshkian has expressed gratitude to Neda Salimi, a dedicated nurse who rescued three newborn babies during the US-Israel attack on a hospital in Tehran.

Salimi, a nurse in Tehran’s Khatam al-Anbiya Hospital, saved the three newborn babies during the attack carried out by the criminal regimes of the US and Israel.

Her act of bravery was captured on the hospital’s CCTV cameras.

In reaction to the nurse’s measure, Pezeshkianshared the video of the nurse rescuing the babies on his X account.

What is recorded on some CCTV cameras represents only a small fraction of the sacrifices and devotion of the Iranians, he said.

Referring to Salimi as he “dear daughter”, Pezeshkian thanked her and extended his appreciation to all those who have stood firmly by Iran.

 

[Dutch Uncle]

President thanks brave nurse who saved newborns during US-Israeli aggression​

President Masoud Pezeshkian has expressed gratitude to Neda Salimi, a dedicated nurse who rescued three newborn babies during the US-Israel attack on a hospital in Tehran.

Salimi, a nurse in Tehran’s Khatam al-Anbiya Hospital, saved the three newborn babies during the attack carried out by the criminal regimes of the US and Israel.

Her act of bravery was captured on the hospital’s CCTV cameras.

In reaction to the nurse’s measure, Pezeshkianshared the video of the nurse rescuing the babies on his X account.

What is recorded on some CCTV cameras represents only a small fraction of the sacrifices and devotion of the Iranians, he said.

Referring to Salimi as he “dear daughter”, Pezeshkian thanked her and extended his appreciation to all those who have stood firmly by Iran.

Sock puppets are evil.

 

[serenity]

Bluster.

America has no reserves of manpower. Few of your young men possess the inclination or the physical ability to fight, and your hardware is running out.

Your ideology defies living in real time evolving in plain sight as geneticlly one of a kind and geographically located in your own chromosomes occupying time lived since conception geographically where you sit, stand, exist, every heartbeat added since birth, also.

Common since displaced exactly in your ancestral lineage, generation gap personal choices adopting a social identity cradle to grave pretending you are exempt from natural time lived so far.

See I respect what you been since conceived, but you don't defying all you were so far for the ideas life exceeds being you alone cradle to grave.

Judge people by the company they keep as miserable people cannot stand alone in time adapting equally alive.

 

[Mahmoud Ahmadinejad]

Iran has a long history of defying bullies. Trump has reaped the whirlwind​

The modern history of the Middle East can be read as a single, enduring dialectic: humiliation and the revolutions of dignity it produces.

Since the first waves of colonial intrusion, the region has been shaped by this pattern. Iran offers one of its most condensed expressions, though it is not the only one.

There is a simple rule in politics that empires repeatedly fail to understand.

Humiliation does not produce submission. It produces resistance.

It settles slowly, embeds deeply, and returns sharper, harder, and more dangerous than before. It is not forgotten. It accumulates. And when it matures, it does not return as compliance, but as defiance.

Iran’s modern history is the history of that accumulation. It revealed something fundamental; a people bound by violated dignity can force the collapse of both domestic authority and foreign control.

In 1951, Mohammad Mossadegh nationalized Iran’s oil, ending decades of British domination through the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. For a brief moment, sovereignty seemed possible. It lasted two years.

In 1953, a coup orchestrated by the United States and Britain removed him, restoring the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and entrenching foreign control. The message was unmistakable. Independence would not be tolerated.

The Islamic Revolution of 1979 was not an eruption in isolation. It was an accumulation, insult upon insult, interference upon interference, submission imposed again and again. It was the radical expression of that history.

To dismiss it as the work of a few "crazy mullahs", stripped of context, is not analysis. It is grotesque simplification.

The same shallow ignorance runs through the American administration’s view of Iran today. In Donald Trump’s language, it is reduced to "crazy bastards" and "mad mullahs".

This ignorance explains the present failure. A chronic inability to understand Iran and the region as they are, their histories, their political evolution, their social fabric, their cultures, and their memory, is not merely ignorance.

It is historical blindness.

 

[Ichabod Stain]

Trump will be forced to regret his partnership with the bandits of Israel.

Death to Israel!

where's his hacky sack?

 

[Mahmoud Ahmadinejad]

Across the region, under colonial rule, the same pattern emerged. Domination did not produce passivity. It produced resistance.

The excess violence used in the 19th century to subdue the region did not produce obedience, but successive waves of revolt.

This pattern did not appear all at once. It unfolded over time, across generations, each episode adding another layer to a shared historical memory.

Even those who withdrew from politics could not remain untouched. Sufi movements, rooted in spiritual purification, were drawn outward under pressure. The inward turned outward.

In Algeria, Emir Abdelkader led the struggle against French occupation (1830-47). A Sufi scholar, he was drawn from contemplation into war, building a state in the interior and organizing disciplined resistance against a vastly superior imperial force.

In Sudan, Muhammad Ahmad led the Mahdist uprising (1881-85), transforming a religious revival into a mass movement that captured Khartoum and brought down a regime backed by imperial power.

In Libya, the Senussi Order transformed spiritual networks into a system of resistance against Italian invasion, sustaining a long war of survival that raged from 1911 into the 1920s and 1930s.

In northern Morocco, Abdelkrim El Khattabi led the Rif Revolt from (1921-26), uniting tribes, defeating Spanish colonial forces at Annual in 1921, and establishing a republic in the mountains before a joint intervention by Spain and France brought it down.

Across Central Asia, throughout the 19th century, Naqshbandi networks became channels of resistance to Russian imperial expansion, transforming spiritual lineages into vehicles of mobilization.

What colonial expansion did, what marching armies did, was take the quiet rhythms of ordinary life and turn them into explosive forces of resistance, bound by a single principle: the defense of land and dignity.

In Iran, the clerical institutions of Qom and Najaf followed a similar trajectory, evolving from centers of scholarship into engines of mobilization, culminating in figures like Ayatollah Khomeini at the heart of the 1979 revolution.

This is the history that is ignored. A society shaped by repeated humiliation does not experience threats as isolated events. It absorbs them into memory.

 

[Mahmoud Ahmadinejad]

Impotence of Trump's threats​

Trump bet on dividing the Iranians and manipulating them.

What he encountered instead was not fragmentation, but cohesion, a society driven to unity in the face of aggression, both military and symbolic.

Decades of pressure have produced a nation that does not yield easily to threats. Trump did not understand what it meant to target a figure like Ali Khamenei. He was not simply a head of state, but a political and spiritual authority for millions of Shia Muslims. His cowardly assassination, carried out during Islam’s holiest month, was not merely a tactical act. It was experienced as an act of profound desecration.

Trump is bewildered.

How can such overwhelming power, the military build-up, the spectacle of force, the relentless escalation of threats, fail to produce submission?

The answer is disarmingly simple. He does not know this region. He does not know its history. He does not know Iran.

He sees power, but he does not see memory.

Across the region, this distinction is everything. A small, besieged strip of land, bombarded, starved, and isolated, yet its people refuse to surrender.

A small country like Lebanon, facing overwhelming asymmetry in force, yet it cannot be subdued in any decisive or lasting sense. Even limited territorial advances fail to translate into real control.

 

[serenity]

Across the region, under colonial rule, the same pattern emerged. Domination did not produce passivity. It produced resistance.

The excess violence used in the 19th century to subdue the region did not produce obedience, but successive waves of revolt.

This pattern did not appear all at once. It unfolded over time, across generations, each episode adding another layer to a shared historical memory.

Even those who withdrew from politics could not remain untouched. Sufi movements, rooted in spiritual purification, were drawn outward under pressure. The inward turned outward.

In Algeria, Emir Abdelkader led the struggle against French occupation (1830-47). A Sufi scholar, he was drawn from contemplation into war, building a state in the interior and organizing disciplined resistance against a vastly superior imperial force.

In Sudan, Muhammad Ahmad led the Mahdist uprising (1881-85), transforming a religious revival into a mass movement that captured Khartoum and brought down a regime backed by imperial power.

In Libya, the Senussi Order transformed spiritual networks into a system of resistance against Italian invasion, sustaining a long war of survival that raged from 1911 into the 1920s and 1930s.

In northern Morocco, Abdelkrim El Khattabi led the Rif Revolt from (1921-26), uniting tribes, defeating Spanish colonial forces at Annual in 1921, and establishing a republic in the mountains before a joint intervention by Spain and France brought it down.

Across Central Asia, throughout the 19th century, Naqshbandi networks became channels of resistance to Russian imperial expansion, transforming spiritual lineages into vehicles of mobilization.

What colonial expansion did, what marching armies did, was take the quiet rhythms of ordinary life and turn them into explosive forces of resistance, bound by a single principle: the defense of land and dignity.

In Iran, the clerical institutions of Qom and Najaf followed a similar trajectory, evolving from centers of scholarship into engines of mobilization, culminating in figures like Ayatollah Khomeini at the heart of the 1979 revolution.

This is the history that is ignored. A society shaped by repeated humiliation does not experience threats as isolated events. It absorbs them into memory.

That history doesn't include genetic changes in population, just leaderships creating fellowships socially demanding everyone ignore their actual bilogical time alive daily here.

Every reality shaping humanity 24/7 uses the same methodologies one way or another, top down or bottom up management of time based upon hypothetical 24 hours a day made factual in every society for the common practice of synchronizing evolving one at a time daily here regardless ancestral lineage generation gap geographical location staying alive now.

 

[Dutch Uncle]

Impotence of Trump's threats​

Trump bet on dividing the Iranians and manipulating them.

What he encountered instead was not fragmentation, but cohesion, a society driven to unity in the face of aggression, both military and symbolic.

Decades of pressure have produced a nation that does not yield easily to threats. Trump did not understand what it meant to target a figure like Ali Khamenei. He was not simply a head of state, but a political and spiritual authority for millions of Shia Muslims. His cowardly assassination, carried out during Islam’s holiest month, was not merely a tactical act. It was experienced as an act of profound desecration.

Trump is bewildered.

How can such overwhelming power, the military build-up, the spectacle of force, the relentless escalation of threats, fail to produce submission?

The answer is disarmingly simple. He does not know this region. He does not know its history. He does not know Iran.

He sees power, but he does not see memory.

Across the region, this distinction is everything. A small, besieged strip of land, bombarded, starved, and isolated, yet its people refuse to surrender.

A small country like Lebanon, facing overwhelming asymmetry in force, yet it cannot be subdued in any decisive or lasting sense. Even limited territorial advances fail to translate into real control.

All sock puppets are evil.

 

[Ichabod Stain]

Across the region, under colonial rule, the same pattern emerged. Domination did not produce passivity. It produced resistance.

The excess violence used in the 19th century to subdue the region did not produce obedience, but successive waves of revolt.

This pattern did not appear all at once. It unfolded over time, across generations, each episode adding another layer to a shared historical memory.

Even those who withdrew from politics could not remain untouched. Sufi movements, rooted in spiritual purification, were drawn outward under pressure. The inward turned outward.

In Algeria, Emir Abdelkader led the struggle against French occupation (1830-47). A Sufi scholar, he was drawn from contemplation into war, building a state in the interior and organizing disciplined resistance against a vastly superior imperial force.

In Sudan, Muhammad Ahmad led the Mahdist uprising (1881-85), transforming a religious revival into a mass movement that captured Khartoum and brought down a regime backed by imperial power.

In Libya, the Senussi Order transformed spiritual networks into a system of resistance against Italian invasion, sustaining a long war of survival that raged from 1911 into the 1920s and 1930s.

In northern Morocco, Abdelkrim El Khattabi led the Rif Revolt from (1921-26), uniting tribes, defeating Spanish colonial forces at Annual in 1921, and establishing a republic in the mountains before a joint intervention by Spain and France brought it down.

Across Central Asia, throughout the 19th century, Naqshbandi networks became channels of resistance to Russian imperial expansion, transforming spiritual lineages into vehicles of mobilization.

What colonial expansion did, what marching armies did, was take the quiet rhythms of ordinary life and turn them into explosive forces of resistance, bound by a single principle: the defense of land and dignity.

In Iran, the clerical institutions of Qom and Najaf followed a similar trajectory, evolving from centers of scholarship into engines of mobilization, culminating in figures like Ayatollah Khomeini at the heart of the 1979 revolution.

This is the history that is ignored. A society shaped by repeated humiliation does not experience threats as isolated events. It absorbs them into memory.

yes.

all wars are bankers wars.

they're destroying humanity and making us evil and violent.

this is what tyrants do, because, as the founding fathers said, freedom is only suitable for a moral people.

 

[Mahmoud Ahmadinejad]

yes.

all wars are bankers wars.

they're destroying humanity and making us evil and violent.

this is what tyrants do, because, as the founding fathers said, freedom is only suitable for a moral people.

Quoth the Tunisian poet Abu al-Qasim al-Shabbi in his famous poem To the Tyrants of the World:

"Beware, for beneath the ashes lies fire, And he who sows thorns shall reap wounds"

 

[Ichabod Stain]

Across the region, under colonial rule, the same pattern emerged. Domination did not produce passivity. It produced resistance.

The excess violence used in the 19th century to subdue the region did not produce obedience, but successive waves of revolt.

This pattern did not appear all at once. It unfolded over time, across generations, each episode adding another layer to a shared historical memory.

Even those who withdrew from politics could not remain untouched. Sufi movements, rooted in spiritual purification, were drawn outward under pressure. The inward turned outward.

In Algeria, Emir Abdelkader led the struggle against French occupation (1830-47). A Sufi scholar, he was drawn from contemplation into war, building a state in the interior and organizing disciplined resistance against a vastly superior imperial force.

In Sudan, Muhammad Ahmad led the Mahdist uprising (1881-85), transforming a religious revival into a mass movement that captured Khartoum and brought down a regime backed by imperial power.

In Libya, the Senussi Order transformed spiritual networks into a system of resistance against Italian invasion, sustaining a long war of survival that raged from 1911 into the 1920s and 1930s.

In northern Morocco, Abdelkrim El Khattabi led the Rif Revolt from (1921-26), uniting tribes, defeating Spanish colonial forces at Annual in 1921, and establishing a republic in the mountains before a joint intervention by Spain and France brought it down.

Across Central Asia, throughout the 19th century, Naqshbandi networks became channels of resistance to Russian imperial expansion, transforming spiritual lineages into vehicles of mobilization.

What colonial expansion did, what marching armies did, was take the quiet rhythms of ordinary life and turn them into explosive forces of resistance, bound by a single principle: the defense of land and dignity.

In Iran, the clerical institutions of Qom and Najaf followed a similar trajectory, evolving from centers of scholarship into engines of mobilization, culminating in figures like Ayatollah Khomeini at the heart of the 1979 revolution.

This is the history that is ignored. A society shaped by repeated humiliation does not experience threats as isolated events. It absorbs them into memory.

except we put the shah in power.

Iran was largely Zoroastrian the pahlavis were zoroastrian, though patrick bet David has lied about it.

 

[serenity]

All sock puppets are evil.

Who are you in your we mantra pretending to be larger tha your genetic time living one ata time now as a collective soul of malcontents demanding human right to defy your own ancestral lineage so far.

People that prefer to die in character don't want to accept all they been since conceived. like minded people tend to silence an honest sole standing their time equally occupying space now.

My posts make you barf because your brain knows how accurate I am.

 

[Dutch Uncle]

Who are you in your we mantra pretending to be larger tha your genetic time living one ata time now as a collective soul of malcontents demanding human right to defy your own ancestral lineage so far.

People that prefer to die in character don't want to accept all they been since conceived. like minded people tend to silence an honest sole standign their time equally occupying space now.

Take all of your pills at once and give your family a lasting peace.

 

[Ichabod Stain]

and Saddam hussein was Christian, but not a good one.

I know an iraqi expat who had to bug out during his Saddam's reign because he was working somewhere Saddam deemed to be "western collaborators".

this dude was an Iraqi Christian who spoke aramaic and said Saddam was too. or course, he also spoke English and Arabic. but he hated speaking Arabic because it was dirty muzzy stuff.

he said Saddam actually took great care of the Iraqi Christians.

his dad was a teacher and they had like four houses.