So are the other posters here telling me that they personally know how the Venezuelans feel about Chavez? Because I have lived in several high-minority areas and have met enough that I feel I can speak intelligently on the subject.
As far as the majority of the public, I have no idea, but I was simply stating that I have never met a Venezuelan that has continued to support Chavez past his initial election.
AC, you might want to find a different hobby than stalking my posts to address some sort of perceived logical fallacy, because you won't win. I'm not making an assumption as to the entire country, just stating from personal experience he does not seem to have many supporters.
If you are friends with the majority of Venezuela, however, feel free to correct me.
Hmmm, it appears that you aren't friends with the majority of Venezuelans either, and if you think Chavez didn't have support beyond his initial election perhaps you need to do more research on his defeat of the US-backed coup and subsequent elections after his initial victory.
The Juan Carlos-Chavez Spat
Royal Incident Signals Arrival of Latin America's 'Underdog' Class
By Marcela Sanchez
Special to washingtonpost.com
Friday, November 23, 2007
WASHINGTON -- King Juan Carlos of Spain made a lot of people happy when he recently told Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez to shut up. Yet to many in the Latin American underclass, the incident was proof that, politically, they had finally arrived.
Even Chavez-haters acknowledge that he is a folk hero to many in Venezuela and beyond because they see him as a manifestation of their own empowerment. That it was a king and not the president of some other country telling Chavez to keep quiet amplified a sense of satisfaction among Chavez followers -- because of the colonial overtones and the history of imperial Spain in the region.
And so the incident provides an excellent starting point to talk about the new social mobilization of Latin America's poor. Latin American discontent has been around for a long time. But there is an important distinction today. When social movements of the past began to make demands of Latin American governments, the typical response was suppression by various means -- imprisonment, execution, isolation. Some of these groups believed that the only way of resolving their grievances was by arming themselves to fight their way to revolutionary change.
Latin America's social movements of today are effective because democracy has become so consolidated in the region that their concerns can no longer be ignored or easily dismissed, much less silenced. Now states believe they have to accommodate these concerns and promote consensus or risk losing popular support and even be forced out of office. In Argentina, for instance, los piqueteros, a movement of unemployed workers that grew in strength following the country's 2001 economic collapse, have successfully pressured the state to give them welfare subsidies to spread among members. Had this movement emerged 15 years earlier and not in 1995, it might well have met another, and violent, fate.
Not that long ago, groups such as the piqueteros would have been seen as an undesirable development, putting unwelcome pressure on young democracies. But persistent economic inequality and social exclusion, despite more than two decades of democracy and a decade of market reforms, have forced a reassessment of those social movements -- less as a problem and more as a solution.
Even in Washington, which historically has sided with stability, usually at the expense of the oppressed in Latin America, President Bush has referred to the desires of groups leading the "revolution in expectations" as "legitimate demands." In a recent report, the Inter-American Development Bank waxed optimistic about social mobilization as a necessary agent of change -- despite its potential to "aggravate social conflict and complicate democratic governance."
The ultimate manifestation of Latin America's social transformation has been the rise of indigenous movements. In countries such as Bolivia and Ecuador, individuals once deemed inferior to Spanish or other European descendents have mobilized in recent years to successfully reverse policies, bring down governments and elect native candidates to office, including the presidency.
Now, those countries in which the once subjugated have come to power will put to a test the maturity of Latin American democracy. The challenge is whether the grass-roots uprisings will "lead to an enduring, more complete inclusion in a political and social sense, reducing discrimination and inequalities" or to new forms of exclusion.
CHÁVEZ'S FOLLOWERS HIT THE STREETS IN REFORM CAMPAIGN
November 22, 2007
http://english.eluniversal.com/2007/11/22/en_pol_art_chavezs-followers-h_22A1211877.shtml
Students marched Wednesday from Venezuela Square, north Caracas, to the presidential palace of Miraflores, downtown Caracas, to support the project of a man who wants to stay in power forever: Hugo Chávez.
However, when asked about the major issues in the proposed changes to the Constitution, none of the Chávez's followers mentioned Article 230, under which Chávez would be allowed to run for the Venezuelan Presidency as long as he has spiritual, social, political and Armed forces.
"The most outstanding feature of the reform is the fact that it empowers the people and encompasses the social mission," said Diana Mazo (22), a student at Chávez's education program Misión Sucre.
"The best thing is the transfer of power to the people. In the framework of the Bolivarian ideals, the reform offers the best sum of social security and happiness to the people, while strengthening participative and people-centered democracy, as well as the construction of socialism," she added.
Demonstrators rallied outside the presidential palace of Miraflores, where they listened to Chávez's speech. The Venezuelan ruler had just arrived in Caracas from a tour of the Middle East and Europe, which included a surprise visit to Havana, where he talked to Fidel y Raúl Castro.
***
There is a dynamic happening throughout Latin America that most Americans, due to their conditioning, lack the ability to fully comprehend.
It's hardly rocket science to understand why Chavez is so popular throughout Latin America.
Venezuela's Oil Industry Signs New Labor Contract
November 3, 2007
http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/news/2801
Mérida, November 3, 2007 (venezuelanalysis.com)- Venezuela's state oil company, PDVSA, signed a new collective contract this week with its various labor unions. In addition to improved wages and benefits, the contract involved the joining together of the various labor unions into one United Confederation of Energy Workers (FUTEV). Energy Minister Rafael Ramirez emphasized that PDVSA would serve as an example for the new socialist economy under construction in Venezuela.
The new 2007-2009 contract, which goes into effect from the beginning of November and affects almost 70,000 workers, was signed at an event in the Caracas headquarters on Thursday. Energy Minister Rafael Ramirez and Vice-Minister of Labor Rafael Chacón were present at the event, along with representatives from the labor unions.
"This begins a historical precedent in our country, this new federation called FUTEV, in which different movements exist. It is exemplary for the rest of the Venezuelan labor movement," said Chacón.
Among the major achievements of the new contract is a salary increase of Bs. 12.000 (US$ 5.50) per day, bringing the standard wage for an oil worker to Bs. 44.000 (US$ 20) per day, and Bs. 1.3 million (US$ 605) per month. In addition to the salary increase, benefits were also improved, with retirement pensions raised by more than 30 percent, and food discounts raised by about 35 percent.
Workers' representative Argenis Olivares celebrated the contract as a major accomplishment.
"It is the best contract that has been signed out of a total on 19 that have been made with the company. We are going to build a nation of equality; this is the beginning of the road to the construction of a beautiful homeland," he said.
***
Can't find Venezuelans who support Chavez?
Obviously you didn't look ...
