Clock is ticking for Trump to post bonds worth half a billion dollars

Neil Pedersen, who runs a New York bond-issuing (or “surety”) agency, said beyond the extraordinary size of the bond Trump needs, the risk of having to collect from a former and possibly future president would probably weigh heavily on bond issuers’ decision on whether to accommodate him.

As a result, bond issuers might require Trump to put up the full amount, or nearly that, in cash, to avoid having to potentially press the occupant of the White House for assets. He would also have to pay a fee to the bond issuer, beyond the judgment penalty and interest, according to Pedersen.

Amendment VIII

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
 
Yeah, you sure know how to pick 'em:

Trump Admits Misusing Charity Funds, Settles Lawsuit Against Trump Foundation That He Said He Wouldn’t Settle

President Donald Trump must personally pay $2 million in fines because he illegally used his charity to benefit his 2016 candidacy. A state judge in New York delivered the judgment on Thursday afternoon. The judicially-assessed penalty must be paid to a number of nonprofit organizations in the Empire State.

Jury finds Trump liable for sexual abuse, awards accuser $5M

NEW YORK (AP) — A jury found Donald Trump liable Tuesday for sexually abusing advice columnist E. Jean Carroll in 1996, awarding her $5 million in a judgment.

Donald Trump found liable for fraud in New York civil case

NEW YORK, Sept 26 (Reuters) - A New York judge found Donald Trump and his family business fraudulently inflated the value of his properties and other assets, in a major defeat for the former U.S. president that could severely hamper his ability to do business in the state.

MSNBC parrot. You give new meaning to the term dumbass. :laugh:
 
I was doing some reading, It is untrue that Trump must post the entire amount in order to appeal the ruling. The rule is that in order to stay execution of the judgment, he must post the entire amount, or a bond.

In other words, he is being forced to come up with the entire amount in order to appeal. There is no defense for the unprofessional and unconstitutional actions of this Judge and this partisan hack AG who ran on "getting Trump."

Amendment VIII

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.


Trump can appeal without posting the bond, but he cannot avoid an attempt to execute the judgment without posting the bond.

In other words, he is being forced to post bond before he can appeal. You're so very uneducated and dumb. :laugh:

The Circuit Court will hear the appeal either way.

....but not before Trump is FORCED to come up with half a billion. If it doesn't sound excessive, you're either an idiot, dishonest or in your case, BOTH.

Its akin to death row inmates having to stay in prison, even though they are appealing their conviction.

Trump didn't commit a crime. Terrible comparison. Trump isn't going to prison.

Eight Amendment. Read it. Sixth Amendment. Read it. Fifth Amendment. Read it. Case of TIMBS v. INDIANA. Read it.

Held: The Eighth Amendment’s Excessive Fines Clause is an incorporated protection applicable to the States under the Fourteenth
Amendment’s Due Process Clause. Pp. 2–9.

(a) The Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause incorporates and renders applicable to the States Bill of Rights protections “fundamental to our scheme of ordered liberty,” or “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition.” McDonald v. Chicago, 561 U. S. 742, 767 (alterations omitted). If a Bill of Rights protection is incorporated, there is no daylight between the federal and state conduct it prohibits or requires. Pp. 2–3.

(b) The prohibition embodied in the Excessive Fines Clause carries forward protections found in sources from Magna Carta to the English Bill of Rights to state constitutions from the colonial era to the present day. Protection against excessive fines has been a constant shield throughout Anglo-American history for good reason: Such fines undermine other liberties. They can be used, e.g., to retaliate against or chill the speech of political enemies. They can also be employed, not in service of penal purposes, but as a source of revenue. The historical and logical case for concluding that the Fourteenth Amendment incorporates the Excessive Fines Clause is indeed overwhelming. Pp. 3–7.

(c) Indiana argues that the Clause does not apply to its use of civil in rem forfeitures, but this Court held in Austin v. United States, 509 U. S. 602, that such forfeitures fall within the Clause’s protection when they are at least partially punitive. Indiana cannot prevail unless the Court overrules Austin or holds that, in light of Austin, the Excessive Fines Clause is not incorporated because its application to civil in rem forfeitures is neither fundamental nor deeply rooted. The first argument, overturning Austin, is not properly before this Court. The Indiana Supreme Court held only that the Excessive Fines Clause did not apply to the States. The court did not address the Clause’s application to civil in rem forfeitures, nor did the State ask it to do so. Timbs thus sought this Court’s review only of the question whether the Excessive Fines Clause is incorporated by the Fourteenth Amendment. Indiana attempted to reformulate the question to ask whether the Clause restricted States’ use of civil in rem forfeitures and argued on the merits that Austin was wrongly decided. Respondents’ “right, . . . to restate the questions presented,” however, “does not give them the power to expand [those] questions,” Bray v. Alexandria Women’s Health Clinic, 506 U. S. 263, 279, n. 10 (emphasis deleted), particularly where the proposed reformulation would lead the Court to address a question neither pressed nor passed upon below, cf. Cutter v. Wilkinson, 544 U. S. 709, 718, n. 7.

The second argument, that the Excessive Fines Clause cannot be incorporated if it applies to civil in rem forfeitures, misapprehends the nature of the incorporation inquiry. In considering whether the Fourteenth Amendment incorporates a Bill of Rights protection, this Court asks whether the right guaranteed—not each and every particular application of that right—is fundamental or deeply rooted. To suggest otherwise is inconsistent with the approach taken in cases concerning novel applications of rights already deemed incorporated.

See, e.g., Packingham v. North Carolina, 582 U. S. ___, ___. The Excessive Fines Clause is thus incorporated regardless of whether application of the Clause to civil in rem forfeitures is itself fundamental
or deeply rooted. Pp. 7–9.

84 N. E. 3d 1179, vacated and remanded.

https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/18pdf/17-1091_5536.pdf
 
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And, that circles back to my original question. Put another way...

If Trump is forced to either pay the judgement, or will be faced with execution of the judgement to appeal said judgement, is that a greater injustice than simply letting him appeal given the size of the judgement?

That is, if the judgement itself becomes an onerous penalty and the state won't or can't wait to impose it regardless of the fact there is nothing to lose from waiting, then doesn't that judgement itself become an injustice? What's wrong with the state simply waiting to impose this unprecedented and massive penalty against Trump until after the appeal is heard?

There is plenty to lose by waiting, about $450,000,000. If he is allowed to wait, (he is not special, everyone is faced with the same rule) he could spend or hid that money, given years to do so it would be easy, then even if he were to win the appeal, the money would never be paid. The system is set up that way because many people were getting away with not paying by delaying with an appeal.

If Trump wins his appeal, he will get the money back with interest.
 
Never thought our country was this fucked up.

It didn't get that way until Biden and the progressive left started getting their way. If you had a brain, you could comprehend the obvious.

Any other country would have executed Trump for treason.

Only in Communist or Fascist third world shit holes shit-for-brains. You should move to Cuba. It's a progressive utopia. :palm:
 
In other words, he is being forced to come up with the entire amount in order to appeal. There is no defense for the unprofessional and unconstitutional actions of this Judge and this partisan hack AG who ran on "getting Trump."

Amendment VIII

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.




In other words, he is being forced to post bond before he can appeal. You're so very uneducated and dumb. :laugh:



....but not before Trump is FORCED to come up with half a billion. If it doesn't sound excessive, you're either an idiot, dishonest or in your case, BOTH.



Trump didn't commit a crime. Terrible comparison. Trump isn't going to prison.

Eight Amendment. Read it. Sixth Amendment. Read it. Fifth Amendment. Read it. Case of TIMBS v. INDIANA. Read it.

Held: The Eighth Amendment’s Excessive Fines Clause is an incorporated protection applicable to the States under the Fourteenth
Amendment’s Due Process Clause. Pp. 2–9.

(a) The Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause incorporates and renders applicable to the States Bill of Rights protections “fundamental to our scheme of ordered liberty,” or “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition.” McDonald v. Chicago, 561 U. S. 742, 767 (alterations omitted). If a Bill of Rights protection is incorporated, there is no daylight between the federal and state conduct it prohibits or requires. Pp. 2–3.

(b) The prohibition embodied in the Excessive Fines Clause carries forward protections found in sources from Magna Carta to the English Bill of Rights to state constitutions from the colonial era to the present day. Protection against excessive fines has been a constant shield throughout Anglo-American history for good reason: Such fines undermine other liberties. They can be used, e.g., to retaliate against or chill the speech of political enemies. They can also be employed, not in service of penal purposes, but as a source of revenue. The historical and logical case for concluding that the Fourteenth Amendment incorporates the Excessive Fines Clause is indeed overwhelming. Pp. 3–7.

(c) Indiana argues that the Clause does not apply to its use of civil in rem forfeitures, but this Court held in Austin v. United States, 509 U. S. 602, that such forfeitures fall within the Clause’s protection
when they are at least partially punitive. Indiana cannot prevail unless the Court overrules Austin or holds that, in light of Austin, the Excessive Fines Clause is not incorporated because its application to
civil in rem forfeitures is neither fundamental nor deeply rooted. The first argument, overturning Austin, is not properly before this Court. The Indiana Supreme Court held only that the Excessive Fines Clause did not apply to the States. The court did not address the Clause’s application to civil in rem forfeitures, nor did the State ask it to do so. Timbs thus sought this Court’s review only of the question whether the Excessive Fines Clause is incorporated by the Fourteenth Amendment. Indiana attempted to reformulate the question to ask whether the Clause restricted States’ use of civil in rem forfeitures and argued on the merits that Austin was wrongly decided. Respondents’ “right, . . . to restate the questions presented,” however, “does not give them the power to expand [those] questions,”
Bray v. Alexandria Women’s Health Clinic, 506 U. S. 263, 279, n. 10 (emphasis deleted), particularly where the proposed reformulation would lead the Court to address a question neither pressed nor
passed upon below, cf. Cutter v. Wilkinson, 544 U. S. 709, 718, n. 7.

The second argument, that the Excessive Fines Clause cannot be incorporated if it applies to civil in rem forfeitures, misapprehends the nature of the incorporation inquiry. In considering whether the
Fourteenth Amendment incorporates a Bill of Rights protection, this Court asks whether the right guaranteed—not each and every particular application of that right—is fundamental or deeply rooted. To
suggest otherwise is inconsistent with the approach taken in cases concerning novel applications of rights already deemed incorporated.

See, e.g., Packingham v. North Carolina, 582 U. S. ___, ___. The Excessive Fines Clause is thus incorporated regardless of whether application of the Clause to civil in rem forfeitures is itself fundamental
or deeply rooted. Pp. 7–9.

84 N. E. 3d 1179, vacated and remanded.

https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/18pdf/17-1091_5536.pdf

The judgement is not the same as Bail, dipshit.
 
There is plenty to lose by waiting, about $450,000,000. If he is allowed to wait, (he is not special, everyone is faced with the same rule) he could spend or hid that money, given years to do so it would be easy, then even if he were to win the appeal, the money would never be paid. The system is set up that way because many people were getting away with not paying by delaying with an appeal.

If Trump wins his appeal, he will get the money back with interest.

Held: The Eighth Amendment’s Excessive Fines Clause is an incorporated protection applicable to the States under the Fourteenth
Amendment’s Due Process Clause. Pp. 2–9.

(a) The Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause incorporates and renders applicable to the States Bill of Rights protections “fundamental to our scheme of ordered liberty,” or “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition.” McDonald v. Chicago, 561 U. S. 742, 767 (alterations omitted). If a Bill of Rights protection is incorporated, there is no daylight between the federal and state conduct it prohibits or requires. Pp. 2–3.

(b) The prohibition embodied in the Excessive Fines Clause carries forward protections found in sources from Magna Carta to the English Bill of Rights to state constitutions from the colonial era to the present day. Protection against excessive fines has been a constant shield throughout Anglo-American history for good reason: Such fines undermine other liberties. They can be used, e.g., to retaliate against or chill the speech of political enemies. They can also be employed, not in service of penal purposes, but as a source of revenue. The historical and logical case for concluding that the Fourteenth Amendment incorporates the Excessive Fines Clause is indeed overwhelming. Pp. 3–7.

(c) Indiana argues that the Clause does not apply to its use of civil in rem forfeitures, but this Court held in Austin v. United States, 509 U. S. 602, that such forfeitures fall within the Clause’s protection when they are at least partially punitive. Indiana cannot prevail unless the Court overrules Austin or holds that, in light of Austin, the Excessive Fines Clause is not incorporated because its application to civil in rem forfeitures is neither fundamental nor deeply rooted. The first argument, overturning Austin, is not properly before this Court. The Indiana Supreme Court held only that the Excessive Fines Clause did not apply to the States. The court did not address the Clause’s application to civil in rem forfeitures, nor did the State ask it to do so. Timbs thus sought this Court’s review only of the question whether the Excessive Fines Clause is incorporated by the Fourteenth Amendment. Indiana attempted to reformulate the question to ask whether the Clause restricted States’ use of civil in rem forfeitures and argued on the merits that Austin was wrongly decided. Respondents’ “right, . . . to restate the questions presented,” however, “does not give them the power to expand [those] questions,” Bray v. Alexandria Women’s Health Clinic, 506 U. S. 263, 279, n. 10 (emphasis deleted), particularly where the proposed reformulation would lead the Court to address a question neither pressed nor passed upon below, cf. Cutter v. Wilkinson, 544 U. S. 709, 718, n. 7.

The second argument, that the Excessive Fines Clause cannot be incorporated if it applies to civil in rem forfeitures, misapprehends the nature of the incorporation inquiry. In considering whether the Fourteenth Amendment incorporates a Bill of Rights protection, this Court asks whether the right guaranteed—not each and every particular application of that right—is fundamental or deeply rooted. To suggest otherwise is inconsistent with the approach taken in cases concerning novel applications of rights already deemed incorporated.

See, e.g., Packingham v. North Carolina, 582 U. S. ___, ___. The Excessive Fines Clause is thus incorporated regardless of whether application of the Clause to civil in rem forfeitures is itself fundamental
or deeply rooted. Pp. 7–9.

84 N. E. 3d 1179, vacated and remanded.

https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/18pdf/17-1091_5536.pdf
 
Neither, and it would be the entire amount plus interest, you do the crime, you pay the fine

What crime? There was no crime. There were no victims. There were no claimants. The AG ran on "getting Trump." The Judge in this case is a loony leftist who posted naked selfies.
 
And, that circles back to my original question. Put another way...

If Trump is forced to either pay the judgement, or will be faced with execution of the judgement to appeal said judgement, is that a greater injustice than simply letting him appeal given the size of the judgement?

That is, if the judgement itself becomes an onerous penalty and the state won't or can't wait to impose it regardless of the fact there is nothing to lose from waiting, then doesn't that judgement itself become an injustice? What's wrong with the state simply waiting to impose this unprecedented and massive penalty against Trump until after the appeal is heard?

Put it in reverse, you are saying that Trump has no consequences for his fraud until he and his army of attorneys completely exhaust the legal system, which we know in his case, could be years. Plus, he can meet the meet the judgement, even liquidating some of his assets, as those that he gain in advantage in obtaining via fraud
 
In truth, Trump can pay about 20 percent if a bonding company will post. So he does not have to fork it all over. But he is such an unfeeling crook that he will have great trouble finding a company to post for him.
 
Put it in reverse, you are saying that Trump has no consequences for his fraud until he and his army of attorneys completely exhaust the legal system, which we know in his case, could be years. Plus, he can meet the meet the judgement, even liquidating some of his assets, as those that he gain in advantage in obtaining via fraud

What fraud? Who did he defraud? There were no victims. There were no claimants. There was no crime. How dumb are you? This was, of course, a rhetorical question because you are extremely stupid and ignorant. That is why you're a Biden voter and defender.
 
What crime? There was no crime. There were no victims. There were no claimants. The AG ran on "getting Trump." The Judge in this case is a loony leftist who posted naked selfies.

Same idiocy over and over again, he broke the law, he received an advantage others did not, you do the crime, you pay the fine, basic tenet of all law

If you get a speeding tickets tell the Judge you don’t deserve to suffer any consequences cause there were “no victims, no claimants”
 
In truth, Trump can pay about 20 percent if a bonding company will post. So he does not have to fork it all over. But he is such an unfeeling crook that he will have great trouble finding a company to post for him.

MORON ALERT!!!!

dumb-stupid.gif
 
In truth, Trump can pay about 20 percent if a bonding company will post. So he does not have to fork it all over. But he is such an unfeeling crook that he will have great trouble finding a company to post for him.

Plus he would pay a hefty interest on the bond, loses his appeal, and he owes even more
 
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