Guno צְבִי
We fight, We win
What these parallels teach us: When an unpopular political movement is poised to take power it suspects it cannot legitimately maintain, democracy is endangered, with dire consequences for all of us. As the seeming inevitability of Trump’s election has increased with the Supreme Court’s recent ruling granting presidents immunity from prosecution for official acts undertaken in office — a feather in Trump’s cap after a dismal debate performance by President Joe Biden led Trump to his highest polling numbers since 2015 — the seriousness of this threat cannot be overstated.
And it’s not just increased legal immunity that has enhanced Trump’s seeming inevitability. Even more effective was the defiant invulnerability he appeared to embody after an assassination attempt on him last weekend. Leaving that Pennsylvania field, blood streaming from one ear and fist raised high, the double role Trump prefers — that of both a victim, and a savior whose righteous path is now marked out — seemed newly clarified, and newly persuasive.
There are identifiable culprits who have ruined America, he tells his followers, promising that they will be held accountable and locked up. He has referred to “military tribunals,” and the strong hands that will also repair “American carnage.” As he depicts a fateful struggle for the soul of the country, the muscular populism he preaches is pure melodrama. It casts purposeful redeemers against terrible villains. In Trump’s view, the U.S. resembles a crime scene in which order can and must be restored, through police action if necessary.
There’s a clear parallel to the rhetoric that fueled the Nazis’ rise. They billed themselves as speaking for the Germans who felt they had been stabbed in the back during World War I by domestic criminals, including Marxists, profiteers and Jews. Their vision was at once optimistic and conspiratorial; once the swamp was drained, new glories would emerge.
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And it’s not just increased legal immunity that has enhanced Trump’s seeming inevitability. Even more effective was the defiant invulnerability he appeared to embody after an assassination attempt on him last weekend. Leaving that Pennsylvania field, blood streaming from one ear and fist raised high, the double role Trump prefers — that of both a victim, and a savior whose righteous path is now marked out — seemed newly clarified, and newly persuasive.
The idea of a ‘unified Reich’
The sense of certainty offers a huge psychological advantage to Trump’s campaign, during which he has sought to paint a picture of a unified America rallying behind him in protest of his victimization by state and federal prosecutors. He has promised, if he wins in November, to vindicate not just himself, but all the victims of the supposed damage wrought by tone-deaf elites under Biden.There are identifiable culprits who have ruined America, he tells his followers, promising that they will be held accountable and locked up. He has referred to “military tribunals,” and the strong hands that will also repair “American carnage.” As he depicts a fateful struggle for the soul of the country, the muscular populism he preaches is pure melodrama. It casts purposeful redeemers against terrible villains. In Trump’s view, the U.S. resembles a crime scene in which order can and must be restored, through police action if necessary.
There’s a clear parallel to the rhetoric that fueled the Nazis’ rise. They billed themselves as speaking for the Germans who felt they had been stabbed in the back during World War I by domestic criminals, including Marxists, profiteers and Jews. Their vision was at once optimistic and conspiratorial; once the swamp was drained, new glories would emerge.
1932 was a pivotal year in the Nazis' ascent. It's a terrifying parallel for today
The Nazis' rise took a turn in 1932. As Trump seeks a second term, the lessons he might take from Hitler's political playbook are alarming.
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