SmarterthanYou
rebel
prove your point with FACTS
the founders designed the SCOTUS huh
go take a history class and LEARN IT!!!!!!!
where and how do you think the alien and sedition clause came about?
prove your point with FACTS
the founders designed the SCOTUS huh
First words of the second' A well regulated militia".
Jefferson was an Anti-Federalist and had no part in writing the Constitution. Only Federalists who favored a stronger central government participated in writing the document.
Here was your request, fucking halfwit:
"show me one single piece of documentation from the framers that supports your moronic position."
I gave you EXACTLY that from Madison himself. The INTENT speaks for itself. There exists no indication why the Senate removed certain portions, as their deliberations were never recorded.
You want original intent? You got it. MILITIA.
and show us framer documentation on how they defined this, thanks
and EVERY founder claimed that WE THE PEOPLE are the militia. got it, fuckstick? and since you like to go by exact wording of letter of the law, THAT version doesn't even count because it isn't in the bill of rights, so THAT intent is irrelevant.
go take a history class and LEARN IT!!!!!!!
where and how do you think the alien and sedition clause came about?
and EVERY founder claimed that WE THE PEOPLE are the militia. got it, fuckstick? and since you like to go by exact wording of letter of the law, THAT version doesn't even count because it isn't in the bill of rights, so THAT intent is irrelevant.
I'll be your Huckleberry . . . And since we are discussing the origin and nature of rights and their recognition and protection, let's discuss 84.
I go further, and affirm that bills of rights, in the sense and in the extent in which they are contended for, are not only unnecessary in the proposed constitution, but would even be dangerous. They would contain various exceptions to powers which are not granted; and on this very account, would afford a colorable pretext to claim more than were granted. For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do? Why for instance, should it be said, that the liberty of the press shall not be restrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may be imposed? I will not contend that such a provision would confer a regulating power; but it is evident that it would furnish, to men disposed to usurp, a plausible pretense for claiming that power.
You really are a lazy ignoramus, aren’t you?
which is why it took so long to come up with the constitution and bill of rights, THEN it all had to be ratified by WE THE PEOPLE. you really should just stop talking before you look any more moronic.Ignorant fucktard, EVERY founder didn’t agree on EVERYTHING in the Constitution or B of R. There was plenty of disagreement to go around.
the 'intent' is all about the end result. not anything that WAS NOT RATIFIED.You wanted original intent? I gave it to you. Regardless of the removal of the conscientious objector clause, the INTENT remains obvious. That you fail to recognize that proves your massive stupidity.
don't go away mad, just go away.......moron.Been to the courthouse yet, coward?
you made a claim
its your job to prove it fool
well regulated
Federalist No. 84 is an Alexander Hamilton essay titled "Certain General and Miscellaneous Objections to the Constitution Considered and Answered", the eighty-fourth of The Federalist Papers, published under the pseudonym Publius on July 16, July 26, and August 9, 1788.
Federalist No. 84 is notable for presenting the idea that a Bill of Rights was not a necessary component of the proposed United States Constitution. The Constitution, as originally written, did not specifically enumerate or protect the rights of the people. It is alleged that many Americans at the time opposed the inclusion of a bill of rights: if such a bill were created, they feared, this might later be interpreted as a list of the only rights that people had. Hamilton wrote:
It has been several times truly remarked, that bills of rights are in their origin, stipulations between kings and their subjects, abridgments of prerogative in favor of privilege, reservations of rights not surrendered to the prince. Such was Magna Carta, obtained by the Barons, sword in hand, from king John...It is evident, therefore, that according to their primitive signification, they have no application to constitutions professedly founded upon the power of the people, and executed by their immediate representatives and servants. Here, in strictness, the people surrender nothing, and as they retain every thing, they have no need of particular reservations. "We the people of the United States, to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America." Here is a better recognition of popular rights than volumes of those aphorisms which make the principal figure in several of our state bills of rights, and which would sound much better in a treatise of ethics than in a constitution of government....
I go further, and affirm that bills of rights, in the sense and in the extent in which they are contended for, are not only unnecessary in the proposed constitution, but would even be dangerous. They would contain various exceptions to powers which are not granted; and on this very account, would afford a colorable pretext to claim more than were granted. For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do? Why for instance, should it be said, that the liberty of the press shall not be restrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may be imposed? I will not contend that such a provision would confer a regulating power; but it is evident that it would furnish, to men disposed to usurp, a plausible pretense for claiming that power.
Federalist No. 84 is an Alexander Hamilton essay titled "Certain General and Miscellaneous Objections to the Constitution Considered and Answered", the eighty-fourth of The Federalist Papers, published under the pseudonym Publius on July 16, July 26, and August 9, 1788.
Federalist No. 84 is notable for presenting the idea that a Bill of Rights was not a necessary component of the proposed United States Constitution. The Constitution, as originally written, did not specifically enumerate or protect the rights of the people. It is alleged that many Americans at the time opposed the inclusion of a bill of rights: if such a bill were created, they feared, this might later be interpreted as a list of the only rights that people had. Hamilton wrote:
It has been several times truly remarked, that bills of rights are in their origin, stipulations between kings and their subjects, abridgments of prerogative in favor of privilege, reservations of rights not surrendered to the prince. Such was Magna Carta, obtained by the Barons, sword in hand, from king John...It is evident, therefore, that according to their primitive signification, they have no application to constitutions professedly founded upon the power of the people, and executed by their immediate representatives and servants. Here, in strictness, the people surrender nothing, and as they retain every thing, they have no need of particular reservations. "We the people of the United States, to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America." Here is a better recognition of popular rights than volumes of those aphorisms which make the principal figure in several of our state bills of rights, and which would sound much better in a treatise of ethics than in a constitution of government....
I go further, and affirm that bills of rights, in the sense and in the extent in which they are contended for, are not only unnecessary in the proposed constitution, but would even be dangerous. They would contain various exceptions to powers which are not granted; and on this very account, would afford a colorable pretext to claim more than were granted. For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do? Why for instance, should it be said, that the liberty of the press shall not be restrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may be imposed? I will not contend that such a provision would confer a regulating power; but it is evident that it would furnish, to men disposed to usurp, a plausible pretense for claiming that power.